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Industrialists proud boast: Use a Haitian Sweatshop - We pay our workers next to nothingAnonyme, Domingo, Octubre 10, 2004 - 03:53 (Analyses)
julius bergmann
While the after effects of natural disaters and unnatural international intervention dominate in Haiti outside the country the business community continues to bang the promotional drum. Latest stop an Indianapolis Trade Fair and a new chance to push the Ouanaminthe "Free Trade Zone" Situated in the extreme north east of Haiti, hard on the border to the Dominican Republic, the town of Ouanaminthe should be a small paradise. History and commerce however has seen that it is anything but. In 1937 Dominican Republic Dictator Trujillo ordered a massacre of Haitian migrants living and working on the Dominican side of the border. Dominican soldiers, using the colour of a persons skin and their ability to pronounce Spanish words as a guide, cut 20,000 Haitians down. Thousands more were displaced and fled to Ouanaminthe. Today the memories are just that, yet the river formimg the border bears witness and today is known quite simply as Massacre River. In 1993 the UN ordered a fuel embargo on Haiti as part of a concerted effort to remove the military dictatorship of General Cedras. Embargos can always be broken and Ouanminthe became the centre of an illicit fuel trade. Thousands of poor Haitians flooded into the town hoping to make their fortune, thousands of litres of oil based products flooded into the soil and water system. The pollution has never been cleared up; nor has the after effects of the rapidly built and subsequently abandoned shanty towns been rectified. Apart from the rubbish and sanitary waste issues, the makeshift community needed wood for cooking and warmth, this they simply took from surrounding forests, a deforestation tradition carried out by the developers of the Ouanaminthe Free Trade Zone. Innaurgartard in 2002 the Free Trade Zone was part of the Aristide governments attempt to pacify the neo-liberal pressures to privitise and liberalise the Haitian economy. Funded by the IMF, through the IFC, it is a huge, shambling, complex right on the border, (there are entrances and exits on both the Haitian and Dominican sides; all important visitors enter and leave through the Dominican doors) . At the momment it is used by its owners, Dominican textile producer Grupo M and the workers stich predominately for Levi Strauss, but also for other international brand concerns. While the international finance community celebrated the plants opening the reality for the workers, or at least the Haitian workers, has been somewhat different. Not only have Haitian domestic labor laws been violated and agreements with international workers rights groups ignored employees at the plant have reportedly been subject to regular intimidation and violence by the Dominican Army and forced to recieve unknown, undeclared injections. Additionally the area around Ounaminthe has lost hundreds of hectares of fertile agricultural land, suffered deforestation to facilitate access and the return of shanty settlements as Haitians searching work travel to Ouanaminthe. "Competitvely priced workforce"; Haitian laborors are paid considerably less than the Dominican workers at the plant. "Immediate turnaround" the harsh reality of the International textile market is short delivery times and high pressure to meet tight dealines. "Two countries = added advantage"; the labels on the finsihed products read "Made in Haiti, Finished in the Dominican Republic", and so circumnavigate quota limits. "Minimum Daily wage in Haiti:$1.62. Benefits also slightly lower" Although the Haitain workers get around $1.90 per day, it still represents a pitiful return for a days work on a product that will eventually sell for much, much more. However such are the margins and presures in the international textile trade, that a few cents saved on the workers can make the diffence between losing and keeping an order. "Excellent labour relations"; unless the labour happen to be a member of a trade union, Haitian, question management practices, show initiative or upset the Dominican soldiers guarding the complex. All the claims and promises made in the presentation, including the conclusion that costs can be kept down through the combination "cheap labour - tax exemptions - low transportation costs", are eerily similar to those made in the 1997 "Guide to investing in Haiti". Publishd by the Manufacturers Association of Haiti (ADIH), the section "Good Reasons to Invest in Haiti" includes; The Boulos presentation ends with the "Key Benefits": These are what the industrialists want. Next to a picture a smiling Haitian worker stands the claim; Haiti gets real foreign investment, jobs where humane conditions prevail and a chance to build a secure fututre for itself and its population would no doubt increase the smile on not only her face, but also those of all her collegues and countrymen. |
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