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Ambassador of Death, Right-Wing Death Squads, Drug Smuggling: George Bush's Plan for Iraq.

Anonyme, Martes, Junio 22, 2004 - 20:09

gdy

 
Right wing death squads and a hub for drug smuggling is Bush's vision of democracy in Iraq all orchestrated by the ambassador of death, Negroponte. The old Iran Contra gang are all in place once again ready to flood the streets of America and Europe with cheap heroin from Afghanistan. The Bush administration's reluctance to hand Saddam over to the interim government of Iraq maybe based not on a fear of Saddam's military capabilities but on a fear of him telling what he knows about drug smuggling.

 
June 22, 2004
From the Streets of Little Beirut
Glen Yeadon

New allegations of criminal conduct by the Bush regime are now surfacing almost daily. The investigation of torturing prisoners at Abu Ghraib has expanded to include rape of prisoners, deaths of over 100 prisoners and thousands of prisoners held in secret prisons. It is also clear the highest levels of authority in the Bush regime approved the torture. Cheney approved of a $7 billion dollar no bid contract with Haliburton, which has already resulted in more than $100 million dollars of overcharges for services not delivered. Moreover, Cheney is facing a possible criminal indictment for bribery over a scandal arising in Nigeria.

While more criminal and war crimes charges even more gruesome and horrendous are sure to follow in the coming weeks, the media has failed to grasp the true essence of the Bush regime's plan for Iraq. However, telltale clues have emerged making it possible to see the outline of their plan. This plan has been carefully crafted over the last several decades by the fascist neocons comprising this regime. At the very root of the plan is imposing global fascism forcibly on the world. In this effort the Bush regime has earmarked 60 countries for "regime change." The Project for the New American Century (PNAC) laid out the early stages of this plan in calling for regime changes in seven countries. The PNAC document describes genome specific bioweapons as a political useful tool. These neocons have no moral or scruples - they are fascists and are ready to wage a genocidal war against any of the darker skinned races whenever it suits their political purposes.

By now it is clear the Iraq War had nothing to do with 9/11, terrorists or weapons of mass destruction. The Bush regime planned on invading Iraq from the very first days it seized power. It is becoming increasing clear the lack of an exit strategy was not an oversight by the Bush regime but a deliberate omission. In fact the no exit strategy is readily obvious in the current construction of 14 military bases in Iraq. The bases are being built by private contractors and the US Corps of Engineers at the cost of billions of dollars to the American taxpayer. There will be no return of Iraq's sovereignty at the end of the month. The turnover to the interim government will be in name only. Paul Bremer will have veto power over any decision the interim government makes that affects Haliburton or Corporate America adversely. Bremer has also been accused of covering up the torture at Abu Ghraib.

Bush's appointment of John Negroponte as America's first ambassador to Iraq is grim news for Iraqis looking forward to freedom. Negroponte was Reagan's ambassador to Honduras who covered up the murders by right-wing death squads. This ambassador of death helped contribute to the genocidal terror waged by the Reagan administration in Central America. A report on the terror in Guatemala states: "In 626  massacres government forces completely exterminated Mayan communities, destroyed their dwellings, livestock and crops." Additional proof that Reagan was waging a genocidal war in Guatemala comes from the statement of a fundamental minister visiting the Reagan White House after his return from Guatemala: "The Army doesn't massacre the Indians. It massacres demons, and the Indians are demon possessed; they are communist."

Negroponte will now be free to set up right-wing death squads in Iraq and will be helped by some of the worst thugs that South America has to offer. Blackwater USA, a military contractor has hired mercenaries from Chile for security duty in Iraq. Blackwater began recruiting in Chile in the fall of 2003 and the first group consisted mostly of former Chilean military members trained under the fascist regime of Pinochet. The military under Pinochet was responsible for torturing and murdering thousands of citizens during his regime.

Just as the Iran-Contra scandal evolved to include drug smuggling, the Iraq War also is closely related to drug smuggling. While the Bush regime has so far managed to keep the drug smuggling aspects of the war from reaching the media, evidence is beginning to emerge. The evidence comes largely from a former FBI translator turned whistle-blower, Sibel Edmonds. Hired to translate intercepted messages soon after 9/11 this Turkish lady first blew the whistle on the FBI for dragging its feet. She has stated emphatically that she has seen documents that prove the Bush administration was fully aware of the terrorist attack before 9/11. While Attorney General John Aschroft has imposed a gag order on her, this courageous lady has only been able to speak in generalized terms. However, she has repeatedly stated that when viewed as an international drug smuggling operation the picture becomes clear.

Sibel Edmonds has provided a huge clue in her generalized statements, a clue that points directly at the Bush family and Dick Cheney. Haliburton, the oil services company formerly headed by Cheney, has a long history of involvement in drug smuggling and gunrunning especially through its Brown and Root subsidiary. Brown and Root also has a long history of providing cover for CIA agents. In the late 1970s Brown and Root was implicated in drug smuggling and gunrunning from oil platforms in the Gulf of Mexico built by Brown and Root and using ships owned by Brown and Root. In the 1990s Brown and Root was implicated in smuggling heroin to Europe through Russia. The heroin originated in Laos.

The Russian incident surfaced in 1995 after thieves stole sacks of heroin concealed as sugar from a rail container leased by Alfa Echo. Authorities were alerted to the problem after residents of Khabarovsk, a Siberian city became intoxicated from consuming the heroin. Alfa Echo is part of the Russian Alfa group of companies controlled by Mikhail Fridman and Pyotr Aven. The FSB, the Russian equivalent of the FBI firmly proved a solid link between Alfa Tyumen and drug smuggling. The drug smuggling route was further exposed after the Ministry of Internal Affairs raided Alfa Eko buildings and found drugs and other compromising documentation. Under Cheney's leadership of Haliburton, Brown and Root received a taxpayer insured loan through the Export-Import Bank of $292 million dollars for Brown and Root to refurbish a Siberian oil field owned by Alfa Tyumen. The Alfa Bank is also implicated in money laundering for the Colombian cocaine cartels.

This convoluted route from Laos to Europe through Russia was quickly set up after George Bush sent Richard Armitage as his special envoy to Russia in 1989 allegedly to help with economic development. Due to the internal strife inside Russia Armitage had to work out the bottlenecks to fix this route. Armitage, a retired Associate Deputy Director of Operations for the CIA, has repeatedly been linked to drug smuggling from Southeast Asia.

Aschroft's gagging of Sibel Edmonds becomes even clearer when George W's 2000 election campaign is examined. Alfa Tyumen's lead Washington attorney James C. Langdon, Jr. coordinated a $2.2 million fund-raiser for Bush in June 2000 and agreed to recruit 100 lawyers and lobbyists in the capital to raise $25,000 each for W's campaign.

Moreover, the drug smuggling elements extend beyond Iraq. The Russian discovery of the drug route may have been the precipitating reason for starting the Kosovo War. The only reason George Bush, the father, established the route through Russia was the instability in Yugoslavia. With the Russia discovery of the route a new route had to be established even if it took a war to do so. As a major military contractor Brown and Root was well positioned in Kosovo to assure itself a part of the profit in drug smuggling.

Indeed the Iraq War may well have been do to Saddam demanding too high of a kickback for smuggling opium from the poppy fields of Afghanistan. Under the Taliban growing poppies was suppressed severely, but since George W. invaded Afghanistan and displaced the Taliban the poppy fields are once again in bloom.

Right wing death squads and a hub for drug smuggling is Bush's vision of democracy in Iraq, all orchestrated by the ambassador of death, Negroponte. The old Iran Contra gang are all in place once again ready to flood the streets of America and Europe with cheap heroin from Afghanistan. The Bush administration's reluctance to hand Saddam over to the interim government of Iraq may be based not on a fear of Saddam's military capabilities but on a fear of him telling what he knows about drug smuggling. Saddam may have been removed for the same reason George the elder removed Noriega from Panama, because of his demands of too-large of a cut in the cocaine traffic coming from Columbia.

Meanwhile Americans are dying in Iraq for what may be no more than the greedy aspirations of the Bush drug smuggling family. For this reason the gag on Sibel Edwards must be lifted so she can speak freely and directly to the American people.

As new charges of criminal wrongdoing are arriving almost daily those of us that are old enough to have lived through Watergate recognize this as an administration heading for a train wreck like a bat out of hell. Like a cornered animal the Bush administration is standing on its hind legs gnashing its teeth warning of the certainty of a new terrorist attack this summer. They are preparing the country for an excuse to declare martial law or a red alert to cancel the upcoming elections. There is no terrorist threat. This is readily evident from protesters in front of Rumsfeld's and Rove's houses. If there was a threat of an attack the protesters would never have been able to get within shouting distance of either house instead there would have been several concentric rings of security preventing anyone from getting near. If there is a terrorist attack this summer the only certainty is it will be home grown and directed from the Oval Office just as the 9-11 attack was allowed to take place after the air force had been ordered to stand down.

Prepare for the worst, hope for the best because this group of war criminals and mass murderers know that if they lose their grip on power they will have to face the hangman for their crimes.

For the Bush family's Nazi connection go to the link below:
http://www.spiritone.com/~gdy52150/noon.html



Asunto: 
validation
Autor: 
simms
Fecha: 
Mié, 2004-06-23 06:07

validated after minor corrections


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Asunto: 
Guess who supported Bin Laden & Saddam?
Autor: 
carlzim
Fecha: 
Mié, 2004-06-23 10:02

Visit:
Bzerzinski & Bin Laden:
http://www.geocities.com/RepresentativePress/binLadenphoto.html
Rumsfeld & Saddam:
http://www.gwu.edu/%7Ensarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB82/
How do I enable above URL's (links) to connect to their sites?


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Asunto: 
Remember Algeria
Autor: 
carlzim
Fecha: 
Mié, 2004-06-23 10:16

I call your attention to the French-Algerian War (1954-1962). It was part of the 3rd World's fight vs. Colonialism.
De Gaulle was for Algerian independence. De Gaulle threatened to jail the Generals who opposed it. Independent Algeria has maintained a neutral policy toward Israel. Actually, according to Day of the Jackel, the anti-Algerian independence OAS hired the Jackel to kill De Gaulle. Carl

Today Guido Pontecorvo's film "Battle of Algiers" about the French-Algerian War is required viewing for the Pentagon. During that war, the French military killed about 1 million Algerians and lost6y the war. Today Algeria is culturally economically tied to France. Perhaps the Pentagon should read Franz Fanon's books. Carl'

http://www.nytimes.com/2003/09/07/weekinreview/07KAUF.html?pagewanted=pr...

What Does the Pentagon See in 'Battle of Algiers'?

September 7, 2003
FILM STUDIES
What Does the Pentagon See in 'Battle of Algiers'?
By MICHAEL T. KAUFMAN

EXCERPTS:

Challenged by terrorist tactics and guerrilla warfare in Iraq, the Pentagon
recently held a screening of "The Battle of Algiers," the film that in the
late 1960's was required viewing and something of a teaching tool for
radicalized Americans and revolutionary wannabes opposing the Vietnam War.
Back in those days the young audiences that often sat through several
showings of Gillo Pontecorvo's 1965 re-enactment of the urban struggle
between French troops and Algerian nationalists, shared the director's
sympathies for the guerrillas of the F.L.N., Algeria's National Liberation
Front. Those viewers identified with and even cheered for Ali La Pointe,
the streetwise operator who drew on his underworld connections to organize
a network of terrorist cells and entrenched it within the Casbah, the
city's old Muslim section. In the same way they would hiss Colonel
Mathieu, the character based on Jacques Massu, the actual commander of the
French forces.
The Pentagon's showing drew a more professionally detached audience of
about 40 officers and civilian experts who were urged to consider and
discuss the implicit issues at the core of the film - the problematic but
alluring efficacy of brutal and repressive means in fighting clandestine
terrorists in places like Algeria and Iraq. Or more specifically, the
advantages and costs of resorting to torture and intimidation in seeking
vital human intelligence about enemy plans.
As the flier inviting guests to the Pentagon screening declared: "How to
win a battle against terrorism and lose the war of ideas. Children shoot
soldiers at point-blank range. Women plant bombs in cafes. Soon the entire
Arab population builds to a mad fervor. Sound familiar? The French have a
plan. It succeeds tactically, but fails strategically. To understand why,
come to a rare showing of this film."
The idea came from the Directorate for Special Operations and
Low-Intensity Conflict, which a Defense Department official described as a
civilian-led group with "responsibility for thinking aggressively and
creatively" on issues of guerrilla war. The official said, "Showing the
film offers historical insight into the conduct of French operations in
Algeria, and was intended to prompt informative discussion of the
challenges faced by the French." He added that the discussion was lively
and that more showings would probably be held.
No details of the discussion were provided but if the talk was confined to
the action of the film it would have focused only on the battle for the
city, which ended in 1957 in apparent triumph for the French with the
killing of La Pointe and the destruction of the network. But insurrection
continued throughout Algeria, and though the French won the Battle of
Algiers, they lost the war for Algeria, ultimately withdrawing from a
newly independent country ruled by the F.L.N. in 1962.
During the last four decades the events re-enacted in the film and the
wider war in Algeria have been cited as an effective use of the tactics of
a "people's war," where fighters emerge from seemingly ordinary lives to
mount attacks and then retreat to the cover of their everyday identities.
The question of how conventional armies can contend with such tactics and
subdue their enemies seems as pressing today in Iraq as it did in Algiers
in 1957. In both instances the need for on-the-ground intelligence is
required to learn of impending attacks. Even in a world of electronic
devices, human infiltration and interrogations remain indispensable, but
how far should modern states go in the pursuit of such information?
Mr. Pontecorvo, who was a member of the Italian Communist Party, obviously
felt the French had gone much too far by adopting policies of torture,
brutal intimidation and outright killings. Though their use of force led
to the triumph over La Pointe, it also provoked political scandals in
France, discredited the French Army and traumatized French political life
for decades, while inspiring support for the nationalists among Algerians
and in much of the world. It was this tactical tradeoff that lies at the
heart of the film and presumably makes it relevant for Pentagon study and
discussion.
But this issue of how much force should be used by highly organized states
as they confront the terror of less sophisticated enemies is far from
simple. For example, what happens when a country with a long commitment to
the Geneva Convention has allies who operate without such restriction.
Consider the ambivalent views over the years of General Massu, the
principal model for the film's Colonel Mathieu.
In 1971, General Massu wrote a book challenging "The Battle of Algiers,"
and the film was banned in France for many years. In his book General
Massu, who had been considered by soldiers the personification of military
tradition, defended torture as "a cruel necessity." He wrote: "I am not
afraid of the word torture, but I think in the majority of cases, the
French military men obliged to use it to vanquish terrorism were,
fortunately, choir boys compared to the use to which it was put by the
rebels. The latter's extreme savagery led us to some ferocity, it is
certain, but we remained within the law of eye for eye, tooth for tooth."
In 2000, his former second in command, Gen. Paul Aussaresses,
acknowledged, showing neither doubts nor remorse, that thousands of
Algerians "were made to disappear," that suicides were faked and that he
had taken part himself in the execution of 25 men. General Aussaresses
said "everybody" knew that such things had been authorized in Paris and he
added that his only real regret was that some of those tortured died
before they revealed anything useful.
As for General Massu, in 2001 he told interviewers from Le Monde, "Torture
is not indispensable in time of war, we could have gotten along without it
very well." Asked whether he thought France should officially admit its
policies of torture in Algeria and condemn them, he replied: "I think that
would be a good thing. Morally torture is something ugly."
At the moment it is hard to specify exactly how the Algerian experience
and the burden of the film apply to the situation in Iraq, but as the
flier for the Pentagon showing suggested, the conditions that the French
faced in Algeria are similar to those the United States is finding in
Iraq.


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