Like the infamous Halliburton [and SNC themselves] in Iraq, SNC is profiting from and
encouraging the imperialist project in Haiti and the continued
repression of Haiti's masses. SNC's head office, of course, is in Montreal, in the Province of Quebec, home to Canada's largest Haitian community, and ruled by pro-coup Premier Jean Charest, who will reportedly be bringing back to Canada from his June trip to Haiti the right-wing Hans Tippenhauer, who is just the kind of ambassador that the Canadian establishment, politicians and executives alike, are looking for from Haiti.

THE CANADIAN CORPORATE/STATE NEXUS IN HAITI
BY ANTHONY FENTON
Haiti Progres, May 9, 2005

Haiti's de facto government will soon announce the appointment of Robert
Tippenhauer as its new ambassador to Canada. Previously, Tippenhauer was
the President of the first-ever Haitian-Canadian Chamber of Commerce. He
says he will be arriving in Canada shortly after the early June visit to
Haiti of Quebec Premier Jean Charest. Should the Canadian government
accept Tippenhauer's credentials, it will be among Canada's clearest
official alignments with Haiti's right-wing elites.

Prior to the Feb. 29, 2004 ouster of democratically elected President
Jean Bertrand Aristide, Tippenhauer was Jamaica's honorary consul in
Haiti. His ideological leanings were apparent on Mar. 15, 2004, when he
"resigned in protest against the decision by the Jamaican government to
host former President Jean Bertrand Aristide, which he reportedly
described as a 'slap in the face' to the Haitian people." (Radio
Galaxie, Mar. 17, 2004)

During a recent telephone interview, Tippenhauer affirmed that he is the
uncle of sweat-shop magnate Hans Tippenhauer, who played the role of a
Group of 184 "opposition leader" for the corporate media in the lead up
to Aristide's removal. On Feb. 24, as the U.S. funded and trained
paramilitaries were escalating the destabilization against Haiti's
elected government, the Washington Post offered up nephew Tippenhauer's
rationalization for the coming coup: "The Haitian people's voice today
is very clear; they want Aristide to leave." Hans Tippenhauer, a former
member of the Washington establishment's Center for Strategic and
International Studies (CSIS), also described the rebels as "freedom
fighters," a phrase that would be echoed one month later by Haiti's de
facto Prime Minister in Gonaives in front of then Canadian Ambassador to
the OAS, David Lee.

Needing employment after resigning his consulate post, Robert
Tippenhauer was soon given the prestigious role of directing the newly
created Haitian-Canadian Chamber of Commerce, which he described as "the
link between Canadian investors and Haiti." This link was officially
developed in late October 2004, when a delegation of twelve Canadian
companies, including procurement giant SNC-Lavalin, joined the
Francophonie Business Forum for a trip to Haiti. Tippenhauer said that
the meetings, in which Canadian Ambassador Claude Boucher and Latortue
took part, "like [Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister] Pettigrew said,
were a very important place to meet, to encourage Canadian investors to
come down here."

Of the many reconstruction projects that are being created, Tippenhauer
feels that "considering the active role that Canada is playing with
their lead role in the transition, Canadian firms should have a first
look at these projects." On Canada's leadership role, Tippenhauer made
the point that Canada had "one the most active ambassadors here."
Tippenhauer further lauded Canada's "constant interest in Haiti,"
stating "the mere presence of these officials is good for us."

Haiti's "comparitive advantage" of the lowest wages in the hemisphere and 20-year tax holidays makes it attractive to companies like SNC, and Gildan
Activewear, who Tippenhauer estimates employ 5,000 people between their
independent factory (which is next to Tippenhauer's Dollar Rent-a-Car)
and Andy Apaid's factories. Apaid is the leader of the Group of 184, and has been funding and arming gangs in Haiti's poorest slums to hunt down supporters of democracy's restoration, those perceived as beingn loyal to Aristide's party, Lavalas. Additionally, Apaid has for several years been the primary subcontractor for Gildan, whose operations in Haiti and the Dominican Republic are an integral and growing part of their burgeoning t-shirt Empire.

Asked about specific contracts, Tippenhauer simply affirmed that there
are "several discussions, negotiations" going on.

For its part, Ottawa remains mum on the particulars of reconstruction
projects. The recent OAS document on the French-led "reconstruction"
meeting in Cayenne, Guyana (Mar. 18, 2005) finds frequent references to
Canada and notes that Canada has proposed to organize the next
ministerial "reconstruction" meeting in a few months.

It makes sense that SNC-Lavalin is involved in reconstruction in Haiti. A maxim of
their business objective in the 2004 annual report finds that "the ability to
win contracts around the world is a good indicator of a successful
business strategy." As a sign of the immensity of SNC's global
operations in realms of defense, oil, infrastructure, engineering,
mining, pharmaceuticals and agribusiness, SNC states that "we won
significant contracts in all our sectors of activity and are working on
projects of all sizes worldwide. In fact, our backlog increased by 52%
from year end 2003, to reach $6.3 billion at year end 2004."

Characterizing Haiti as "the latest procurement hot spot" and showing how post-war rebuilding
contracts representing an estimated US$200 billion a year business, the Toronto
Star (Mar. 23, 2004) also cited SNC-Lavalin as a darling on the UN's approved
list of vendors. The UN doled out some $813 million in contracts in
2002. The Star also cited estimates of some $100 million in potential
military contracts annually for operations in Haiti.

Asked recently about activities in Haiti, an SNC spokesperson would only say that
they are involved in "highly confidential negotiations" with the
Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), to whom she deferred.
CIDA media relations officer Regine Beauplan would only state that "CIDA
has entered into negotiations with SNC-Lavalin and because those
negotiations are on-going, CIDA is unable to provide information."

Fortunately, SNC-Haiti's General Manager, Bernard Chancy, was not so
reticent. Contradicting CIDA's statement, Chancy confirmed that CIDA and
SNC are well past negotiations on some projects. "In fact there is
already one project in activity and another one which is a study
project," he said. The project already underway is the Carrefour
Railroad, one of two major road-building projects that are listed in the
OAS "reconstruction" document.

According to Chancy, CIDA has already contributed $500,000 to the "labor
intensive" initial phase of the Carrefour project. "The Haitian
government has decided to construct a new road that gets out of
Port-au-Prince by the South," said Chancy. This aspect of the project
involves constructing one of the streets that will connect the Carrefour
road with the new one. The construction of this new road is a major undertaking that Chancy
says they hope to have completed "before the new government takes over."
It will not be built, however, without the assistance of SNC-Montreal's team of
engineers, who are conducting studies that will "permit the main part of
the road to be constructed." For this work, SNC will get a big slice of
the additional $8 million that Canada is contributing to the project.

There is scant mention of Haiti in their latest annual report, and yet
this recent information reveals that SNC-Lavalin is playing a significant role
in the pro-coup foreign policies of Canada and the "international community," a
community which implicitly excludes the African Union, CARICOM,
Venezuela and Cuba for their persistent refusal to recognize Haiti's de
facto regime. Fittingly, it was SNC-Lavalin who procured the $20 million
contract to build the new Canadian embassy in Port-au-Prince, which today stands as perhaps
the most auspicious harbinger of Canada's intended "long term presence" in Haiti.
When Pettigrew unveiled the ccompleted Embassy in September 2004 (while thousands were dying from recent flooding), there was
no mention of SNC-Lavalin, a demonstration of their desire to have their penchant for
profiting off of war, occupation and colonial policies kept off of the public
radar.

Protestors in Toronto recently denounced SNC-Lavalin for their role in
providing bullets for the U.S. military in Iraq, along with denouncing their other destructive business practices in Canada, against Indigenous peoples, and globally.
To their investors, SNC-Lavalin boasts that they provide 70% of Canada's military ammunition, which has
been used in U.S., UN and NATO occupations worldwide.

Like the infamous Halliburton [and SNC themselves] in Iraq, SNC is profiting from and
encouraging the imperialist project in Haiti and the continued
repression of Haiti's masses. SNC's head office, of course, is in Montreal, in the Province of Quebec, home to Canada's largest Haitian community, and ruled by pro-coup Premier Jean Charest, who will reportedly be bringing back to Canada from his June trip to Haiti the right-wing Hans Tippenhauer, who is just the kind of ambassador that the Canadian establishment, politicians and executives alike, are looking for from Haiti.

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